Prison-Industrial Complex and the Global Economy, The (PM Pamphlet)

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Bestselling Series. Harry Potter. Popular Features. New Releases. Description The prison business in the US is not based on locking up, punishing, or rehabilitating dangerous hoodlums. Follow the money and find how the prison-industrial complex fits into the New World Order of free trade and imprisoned people, the war on drugs, and capital flight. Product details Format Paperback 24 pages Dimensions x x 2.

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Heart X-rays G. Events And Victims Bartolomeo Vanzetti. About Linda Evans Linda Evans is a former anti-imperialist political prisoner. Linda was released in via a pardon by president Bill Clinton, along with Susan Rosenberg, another political prisoner. Eve Goldberg is a writer, filmmaker, and prisoners' rights activist. Rating details.

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Book ratings by Goodreads. Goodreads is the world's largest site for readers with over 50 million reviews. To this end, a gendered identity or any other identity imagined outside the context of the political offers very little. Here, then, we attempt to always understand gender and sexuality within the space of the political to build beyond generality. While we acknowledge that gender identity is not co-terminus with sexuality, these connections must be carefully attended to, as they cut through class, race, ability, and nationality, as well as time.

Nor does it assume that it represents the lived experiences of particular people beyond its authors. We do, however, highlight a number of tendencies that can and sometimes must become abstracted. For example, we know that trans people are disproportionately incarcerated in relation to non-trans people. In many ways this book lives among these contradictions as it works to move conversations toward abolition and away from a belief that prisons will ever make us safer.

As a theoretical and embodied practice, gender self-determination is one of the politics that holds this project together. It also understands that these expressions might change and that this change does not delegitimate previous or future identifications. Gender self-determination also acknowledges that gender identification is always formed in relation to other forms of power and thus the words we use to identify others and ourselves are culturally, generationally, and geographically situated.

Along with these more recognizable spaces, understanding the PIC as a set of relations makes visible the connections among capitalism, globalization, and corporations. From prison labor, privatized prisons, prison guard unions, food suppliers, telephone companies, commissary suppliers, uniform producers, and beyond, the carceral landscape over- whelms.

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Here we are not attempting to discredit the severity of this personal violence, but we are suggesting that relying on the PIC as a remedy actually produces more harm and offers little. What, then, might a world look like in which harm is met with healing and support, rather than the displacement and re- violation produced by the PIC? For those who do trespass the gender binary or heteronormativity, physical violence, isolation, detention, or parental disappointment become some of the first punishments.

As has been well documented, many trans and queer youth are routinely harassed at school and kicked out of home at young ages, while others leave in hopes of escaping the mental and physical violence that they experience at schools and in their houses. Of- ten the informal economy becomes the only option for them to make money. Selling drugs, sex work, shoplifting, and scamming are among the few avenues that might ensure they have something to eat and a place to sleep at night.

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With case managers too overloaded to care, or too transphobic to want to care, they slip through the holes left by others. Picked up—locked up—placed in a home—escape—survive—picked up again. The cycle builds a cage, and the hope for anything else disappears with the crushing reality that their identities form the parameters of possibility.

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  5. Back to where they began—on the streets, hustling to make it, now older—they are often given even longer sentences. While this cycle of poverty and incarceration speaks to more current experiences, the discursive drives building their motors are nothing new. Desiring Abolition Living through these forms of domination are also moments of devas- tating resistance where people working together are building joy, tear- ing down the walls of normative culture, and opening space for a more beautiful, more lively, safer place for all.

    The Prison-industrial Complex And The Global Economy

    Captive Genders remembers these radical histories and movements as evidence that our legacies are fiercely imaginative and that our collective abilities can, and have, offered free- dom even in the most destitute of times. What this means is that abolition is not a response to the belief that the PIC is so horrible that reform would not be enough.

    Although we do believe that the PIC is horrible and that reform is not enough, abolition radically restages our conversations and our ways of living and understanding as to undo our reliance on the PIC and its cultural logics. To this end, the time of abolition is both yet to come and al- ready here. In other words, while we hold on to abolition as a politics for doing anti-PIC work, we also acknowledge there are countless ways that abolition has been and continues to be here now. As a project dedicated to radical deconstruction, abolition must also include at its center a reworking of gender and sexuality that displaces both heterosexuality and gender normativity as measures of worth.

    As both a dream of the future and a practice of history, we strategize for a world without the multiple ways that our bodies, genders, and sexualities are disciplined.

    The Prison-Industrial Complex - The Atlantic

    This is an invitation to remember these radical legacies of abolition and to continue the struggle to make this dream of the future, lived today.